An Introduction to Madhva Vedan Read online

  râjâsya sphuñam upalabhya vismito ‘smai râjyârdhaü sapadi samarpayâm babhûva |

  MV 10.18.

  23 See Bhatt, Studies in Tuëuva History and Culture, Chopra, History of South India, Diwakar, Karnataka Through the Ages, and Sastri, A History of South India.

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  An Introduction to Mâdhva Vedânta

  in the MV involving Jayasiüha describes the loss of Madhvâcârya’s

  extensive library to the thievery of a local philosopher who was, not

  surprisingly, a follower of the Advaita School. Without his library,

  Madhvâcârya was unable to teach his students how to refute the

  positions of his Advaita contemporaries. Fortunately, he was reported

  to have recovered the library with the help of the local king,

  Jayasiüha, who may have also supported him during his stay in the

  village of Pâóikuóel.24 There is no clear indication that local kings and rulers funded Madhvâcârya. Nevertheless one may surmise that

  he received some assistance, financial and otherwise. What other

  concerns, besides monetary needs and political endorsements, may have

  affected Madhvâcârya? Were there many other religions with which he

  interacted?

  Religious context

  The 13th and early 14th centuries ce were periods of religious excite-

  ment in southern Karõâñaka, given the presence of âstika, philosophical

  traditions based on the Vedas, nâstika, philosophical traditions not based on the Vedas, and tribal and indigenous traditions.25 Adherents to Vedânta, both Advaita and Viúiùñâdvaita, along with Jains and

  Vîraúaivites, populated Tuëunâóu and propagated vastly differing

  solutions to end the cycle of birth and rebirth.26 These literati traditions were juxtaposed with tribal and other indigenously based traditions,

  including Úaivism, bhûtârâdhana, worship of apparitions, worship of

  úakti, female power and worship of nâgas, snakes, among others, each with less systematized solutions to the problem of birth and rebirth. With

  so many different beliefs and practices in such a small area, it would be

  impossible for Madhvâcârya not to have encountered their doctrines and

  adherents.

  The Hoysala kings, who considered themselves supporters and

  protectors of the various traditions that existed in Tuëunâóu, permitted

  this religious pluralism.27 The rulers may not have had much of a choice but to allow pluralism, given that coastal Karõâñaka was a center for

  24 See MV 15.1–141.

  25 I am reliant upon Bhatt, Studies in Tuëuva History and Culture for many of the details with regard to Tuëuva religion, culture, etc.

  26 For a brief overview see Hanumantha Rao, ‘Religious Toleration in Karnatak,’

  312–319. See Dasgupta’s History for introductions to each of these traditions.

  27 Diwakar, 443. Jain rulers, for example, funded non-Jain institutions. Bhatt, 441.

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  Madhvâcârya and the Mâdhva Tradition

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  trade with both South Asian and non-South Asian communities.28 It may be that the diversity encouraged the rise of a cosmopolitan society

  wherein religious heterogeneity prevailed. Economic conditions may

  have also indirectly affected prevailing religious attitudes. It is thus

  likely that this variegated setting had a dramatic effect upon the

  development of Madhvâcârya’s school of Vedânta.29

  stika traditions: Vedânta

  In the philosophical and religious realm, Mâdhva Vedânta competed

  with Advaita and Viúiùñâdvaita, among other schools. As already

  mentioned, the schools of Vedânta are commentarial traditions. Each

  school makes differing claims about the meaning of canonical texts and,

  therefore, the method by which one can obtain mokùa. Each links the

  entirety of its doctrinal system to these interpretations. Each claims to

  have the polemical and apologetic capacity to ward off and defeat deftly

  the other two schools.

  Both the Advaita and Viúiùñâdvaita Schools of Vedânta had many

  followers in the area, making medieval southern Karõâñaka a ferment

  of philosophical dispute. In fact, Râmânujâcârya, founder of the

  Viúiùñâdvaita School of Vedânta who lived in the 12th century ce, is

  known for converting Viùõuvardhana (1110–52 ce), a Hoysala king,

  from Jainism to Vaiùõavism in 1093 ce. 30 This conversion may have helped to hinder the growth of Jainism and other non-Vaiùõava

  traditions. The heart of Viúiùñâdvaita activity, moreover, lay in nearby

  Melkôñe. Temples, which were officiated by priests who followed ritual

  and other worship texts found in the Advaita and Viúiùñâdvaita canons,

  were built in the area, as were affiliated mañhas, monasteries. According

  to the Úaükaradigvijaya, a hagiography of the founder of Advaita

  Vedânta, Úaükarâcârya visited southern Karõâñaka in the 9th century

  and disputed with scholars of local traditions.31 One of the four mañhas established by Úaükarâcârya himself was located in Sçïgeri, only about

  28 See Bhatt, 220–225 for further details regarding overseas trade.

  29 Govindâcârya, Madhvâcârya, 10. For example, Zydenbos has argued that Madhvâcârya’s epistemology draws from Jain epistemology. See his ‘On the Jaina

  Background of Dvaitavedânta’ and Sharma’s ‘Jaina Background of Dvaita Vedânta – A

  Farfetched Theory.’

  30 Diwakar, 420.

  31 See the Padmapâdatîrthayatrâvarõam and related chapters of Mâdhava’s Úaükaradigvijaya. These chapters are descriptions of religious pilgrimages and travels undertaken by Úaükarâcârya.

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  An Introduction to Mâdhva Vedânta

  50 km, from Uóupi. 32 These two cities, Melkôte and Sçïgeri, were (and continue to be) centers for Vedânta studies in Karõâñaka.

  The âstika Vedânta traditions were well established in southern

  Karõâñaka and may have competed with one another for political

  support and for adherents. Aside from disputes about philosophical

  themes, there are no accounts of disagreements about land, patronage, or

  other political issues between the Mâdhva School and these two Vedânta

  traditions.

  Two non-Vedânta traditions: Vîraúaivism and Jainism

  Vîraúaivism and Jainism, two non-Vedic, non-Brahmanical traditions,

  were prevalent in the Tuëunâóu. 33 Buddhism also had some historical significance in Tuëunâóu. But by medieval times Jainism and the

  Advaita and Viúiùñâdvaita Schools displaced it. There were still vestiges

  of Buddhism in medieval Tuëunâóu in the form of images and

  monuments even though there was no longer a community of adherents.

  Buddhism, Jainism and Vîraúaivism conflicted with the orthodox

  Vedânta traditions and were oriented toward making their doctrines

  accessible to the masses. In contrast, maintaining the integrity of varõa,

  class, and jâti, caste, was and is essential to Mâdhva Vedânta. Use of the

  vernacular, Kannaóa, for example, instead of Sanskrit, in conjunction

  with appeals to the teachings of contemporary mystic saints, helped

  to spread interest in Vîraúaivism among non-Brahmins. Vîraúaivas, in

  fact, not only granted equal status to women but loosened the rigidity of

  the varõa system in their tradition.34 Úûdras, who occupied the lowest position in the class system, for example, were given status
in worship

  and other religious practices.35 The methods for obtaining mokùa were not restricted according to class as they were in the schools of Vedânta.

  None of these non-Vedânta traditions, moreover, were interested in

  the kinds of debates about texts that concerned Vedânta. Although

  Vîraúaivism and Jainism were commentarial traditions, their canon was

  completely different from those of the schools of Vedânta. Their social

  program, as well as their interest in philosophical speculation outside of

  the Vedânta canon, made them considerable adversaries to the âstika

  traditions and social system.

  32 Siauve, La Doctrine, 10.

  33 Bhatt, 370–373. Vîraúaivism is also known as Liõgâyat. For more on these traditions see Chekki, Religion and Social System of the Virasaiva Community and Jaini, The Jaina Path of Purification.

  34 Bhatt, 444–448. Ishwaran, 43, 115–121.

  35 Bhatt, 448.

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  Some of these non-orthodox traditions even enjoyed the patronage

  of local rulers. Local rulers such as Narasiüha III supported the Jain

  institutions as is evidenced by the large numbers of inscriptions and

  documents that pertain to the funding of Jain institutions.36 The most important Jain mañha in South India was also located in southern

  Karõâñaka at Úrâvaõa Belgoëa. In fact, the majority of feudal states in

  Tuëunâóu were Jain.37 For these reasons, Jain activities in Tuëunâóu far outweighed those of the Vedânta traditions.

  Non-Vedic nâstika traditions, which were opposed to Vedânta, were

  prevalent in Tuëunâóu in the 13th and 14th centuries ce and competed

  with one another, and especially with Vedânta. Their rejection of varõa

  and jâti opposes the social systems expounded by the Vedânta traditions.

  Such egalitarian tenets undoubtedly helped to foster religious and

  theological excitement at the time. The cosmopolitan nature of the area

  surrounding medieval Uóupi sparked interest among both literati and

  lay people in these egalitarian traditions, in addition to inciting interest

  in the schools of Vedânta and propelling their scholars into action.

  Tribal and other indigenous traditions

  These exegetical traditions, Vedânta, Vîraúaivism and Jainism, were

  juxtaposed with tribal and other indigenous traditions, which did not

  place any value on commentarial activity and did not systematize

  their theological positions. These traditions were often localized and

  more popular among the lower two varõas such as the vaiùyas and

  úûdras. Many fostered methods to mokùa via bhakti, devotion, and did not encourage the study of esoteric texts or rituals. Though they

  were insignificant in the development of Mâdhva doctrines, Mâdhvas

  incorporated some of their practices and rituals.

  Worship of Úiva stands foremost among these traditions and was

  the prevalent religion in Tuëunâóu. Most temples in pre-Mâdhva

  Tuëunâóu are Úaiva. Interestingly, the Uóupi Úrî Kçùõa temple founded

  by Madhvâcârya in the 13th century ce and the aùñamañhas form a

  circle, within which is enclosed the Úrî Ananteúvara temple. The Úrî

  Ananteúvara temple, built in the 8th or 9th century ce, has a liïga, an

  aniconic form of Úiva, as its centerpiece.38 Although the Úaiva tradition

  36 Bhatt, 453. For further reading, see Bhatt, 426–451.

  37 Bhatt, 441.

  38 Bhatt, 282. According to Professor Varakhedi, Mâdhvas believe that this liïga actually represents Viùõu thereby making the Úrî Ananteúvara a Vaiùõava and not a

  Úaiva temple.

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  was extant in Tuëunâóu prior to the influence of Úaükarâcârya, it

  may be that the Advaita School played a role in popularizing Úiva.

  According to Advaita cosmology, Úiva is held to be the highest among

  the gods. It is likely that the Vîraúaiva communities also helped to

  increase the importance of the Úiva temples, given the centrality of Úiva

  to their religious practices. Madhvâcârya’s Vaiùõava tradition was thus

  developed in a Úaiva-dominated context.

  Úiva temples were often found in the vicinity of those devoted to

  Úakti, female power.39 The Úakti traditions were also dominant in Tuëunâóu. Worshipped as Devî, Durgâ and, more often, as a local

  female deity, they were sometimes linked to male counterparts who

  were worshipped by the âstika traditions.40 For example, Mûkâmbikâ, a 15th-century ce form of the Goddess, was absorbed into the Mâdhva

  tradition. Vâdirâja, the 15th-century ce svâmi of the Sôde mañha in Uóupi, invoked Mûkâmbikâ in his Tîrthaprabhanda.41 More recently, the Mahâkâlî temple in Ambalpadi Uóupi, a temple devoted to the

  worship of the goddess Kâlî, was made a part of the Janârdana temple, a

  Mâdhva temple devoted to an avatâra of Viùõu. These local and

  indigenous traditions cannot be discounted. The Úaiva and Úakti

  traditions may have been the most dominant traditions in Tuëunâóu.

  Madhvâcârya’s Viùõu-based theology was in stark contrast to the

  prevailing and principal traditions.

  The Úakti traditions were also affiliated with tantric rituals and

  worship regimens. These tantric texts and practices were very different

  from those of the prevailing Vedic tradition. Further, though tantric

  worship often entailed initiation rites, these rites were not restricted to

  literati or other elite groups. They thus allowed all devotees to engage in

  and lead worship practices. Such traditions were widespread among

  the lower social classes. It is likely that such tantric traditions were

  intellectual and social challenges for the âstika literati, who attempted to defend and uphold Vedic orthodoxy and class restrictions. Some tantric

  rituals were even included in Mâdhva practices.

  Perhaps the most well-known indigenous religious tradition of

  Tuëunâóu is the bhûtârâdhana, apparition worship, also known as

  dayivagaëu in Tuëu.42 Considered to be an indigenous Dravidian form, it

  39 Bhatt, 283.

  40 Bhatt, 302.

  41 Vâdirâja, Tîrthaprabandha, 56–58. Bhatt, 301–302.

  42 For further reading on bhûtârâdhana see Nambiar, The Ritual Art of Teyyam and Bhûtârâdhane: Theatrical Performance with Spirit Mediumship.

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  is directly opposed to the âstika and nâstika traditions. 43 The practice of bhûta, apparition, worship was fully accepted by the majority of the

  population and outweighed the importance of Úiva and Viùõu for most.44

  The worship of apparitions often centered on Úakti and was integrated

  into both later Vaiùõavism and Úaivism.45 Bhûtârâdhana, for example, is central to the worship at the Mahâkâlî temple, which, as mentioned

  above, is part of the Janârdhana temple. The tradition may not have had

  a noticeable effect on the doctrines of the Mâdhva school of Vedânta or

  the other schools. Nevertheless, it indicates the presence of traditions

  that predated many of the âstika, nâstika and related traditions and were in total variance with them.

  The religious world at the time when Madhvâcârya first developed

  his sch
ool of Vedânta was challenging, given the diverse and disparate

  traditions that existed. There were many competing theologies and

  methods for obtaining mokùa. These traditions were not isolated but

  were part of a dynamic world of conversion and conversation, of

  dialogue and debate. It is likely that the cosmopolitan atmosphere

  allowed more interaction between adherents and more appropriation

  of philosophical doctrines and religious practices. It is likely that this

  atmosphere of plurality also affected Madhvâcârya and made him

  aware of the boundaries between religious worlds and the ways to

  maintain those boundaries. It may also have helped him to recognize

  the centrality of the social system and one’s place in it, which, as will

  become clear, is an integral component of his system.

  Madhvâcârya’s theology is thus founded on the importance of

  târatamya, hierarchy, as evidenced in the prevailing systems of varõa

  and jâti. The centrality of social structure for Madhvâcârya and

  maintenance of the status quo may be a reaction to the diversity

  and menace of rival nâstika traditions in medieval Karõâñaka. This

  târatamya structure prevails in Madhvâcârya’s epistemology, ontology

  and soteriology and, aside from the centrality of Viùõu, may be the key

  that holds together the entire Mâdhva philosophy of religion.

  The Mâdhva saüpradâya, community and institutions

  In addition to composing treatises on Vedânta matters, Madhvâcârya

  founded the Mâdhva saüpradâya in Uóupi. According to traditional

  43 Bhatt, 360.

  44 Bhatt, 359.

  45 Nambiar, 19.

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  accounts, Madhvâcârya discovered an idol of the god Kçùõa, an avatâra

  of Viùõu, encased in mud in the ocean and installed it at a temple in

  Uóupi. The idol is still worshipped in Uóupi today.

  After ordaining eight monks, Hçùikeúa, Narasiüha, Janârdana,

  Upendra, Vâmana, Viùõu and Adhokùaja, Madhvâcârya established

  each of them as svâmi of a mañha thereby establishing the aùñamañhas, eight monasteries, as an institutional tradition.46 These are the Palimâr, Adamâr, Kçùõâpûr, Putige, Sirûr, Sôde, Kâõûr and Pejâvar mañhas.

  Viùõutîrtha, Madhvâcârya’s younger brother, who is included among the